Today's first post looked at where gay rights may go in 2014. As noted, there is much to be done and anti-gay animus remains far too wide spread. If one wants to see but one example, to demonstrate the level of anti-gay animus behind Virginia's Marshall-Newman Amendment,
the amendment was added to the Virginia Constitution's Bill of Rights of citizens as if the backers wanted to underscore that Virginia gays were indeed less than full citizens. But I digress. Looking forward in terms of the advance of gay marriage, an editorial in the
Los Angeles Times posits that the courts will lead in making further advances happen. This seems plausible in states like Virginia where Republican - slavishly obeying the dictates of The Family Foundation, an anti-gay hate group - will continue to block the repeal of anti-gay laws and constitutional amendments. Here are highlights from the editorial and its analysis:
Even by the standards of this extraordinary year for gay rights — during
which more than half of the 18 states that now recognize same-sex
marriages were added to the list and the Supreme Court struck down part
of the federal Defense of Marriage Act
— the last couple of weeks have been remarkable. Within a few days,
courts made gay marriage legal in New Mexico and Utah, and a ruling in
Ohio forced some state recognition of such marriages.
But those recent court decisions have also fed the long-standing
perception among conservatives that gay marriage has been pushed through
by "activist judges" forcing their personal beliefs on an unwilling
populace. In fact, most of the states where marriage is recognized got
to this stage through votes, mainly by state legislatures but in a few
cases by the people themselves through ballot measures.
Of the 18 states, only seven, including California, legalized gay marriage through court decisions.
It is, of course, preferable for progressive marriage laws to reflect the will of the people. . . . But, in truth, the road to civil rights historically has involved a
mix of approaches — popular opinion, lawmaking and court ruling — each
affecting the others. The repeal of state laws against interracial
marriage, for instance, followed this path, with a combination of
judicial rulings and voluntary state repeals in the late 1940s and
beyond until, in 1967, the U.S. Supreme Court
overturned such laws in the 16 states that still had them. Some of the
state decisions to repeal discriminatory marriage laws took place when a
majority of Americans still favored such restrictions. But increased
recognition of these rights by both legislatures and courts led to
increased public support by the early 1960s.
It has been the same with gay marriage so far. . . . . As a growing number of states have sanctioned gay marriages, more
Americans have had an opportunity to observe that they have no effect on
traditional heterosexual marriage, which in turn leads to more
acceptance and more laws passed. And societal recognition has an effect
on judges, whose decisions have reflected that growing acceptance at the
same time that they have been ahead of it.
Now, the fight for same-sex marriage is entering a new phase. The
low-hanging fruit — states without strong laws banning gay marriage and
with more progressive populations — is pretty much picked and the new
battles will be in stiffly resistant territory. In 32 states, same-sex
marriage is banned by a combination of laws and constitutional
amendments, which means change is less likely to come via popular or
legislative votes. Courts will play a bigger role.
The most recent case in point: Utah, viewed as a hot spot of
antipathy toward same-sex marriage because it is home to the
headquarters of the Mormon Church, which strongly opposes such
marriages. The state so far has lost its efforts to halt a ruling by
U.S. District Judge Robert J. Shelby that struck down Utah's marriage
ban.
One thing, though, is certain. Despite anger toward these supposedly
anti-democratic decisions, judicial rulings have a necessary role to
play in the advancement of civil rights, even when public and
legislative opinion isn't on the same side. Especially when it isn't.
Candidly, I think the analysis is on point and, hopefully, one or both of the gay marriage lawsuits in Virginia will lead to the striking down of the Marshall-Newman Amendment if some other case before the U.S. Supreme Court doesn't do so first.
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