Saturday, October 17, 2026
Russia Was Losing; Now Trump Betrays Ukraine
It’s horrible to have to type these words, but the [Felon]
president of the United Statesis throwing Vladimir Putin a lifeline. He is turning the American government against Ukraine, funding Russia and — perhaps worst of all — playing directly into Putin’s theory of victory.There’s no other way to understand [the Felon's]
President Trump’sactions since Friday. There’s a lot to cover, so hang with me. But the bottom line is that a sequence of events that began with his announcement on Oct. 9 that the United States had agreed to purchase potentially millions of tons of diesel fuel from Russia may be culminating in a near-total betrayal of the Ukrainian people.The purchase, justified by Trump as bringing down diesel prices in the United States, isn’t nearly enough to meaningfully move America’s immense diesel market. It could, however, put roughly $4 billion into the Russian treasury — cash that it can use to fund its war in Ukraine or to help prop up its ally Iran.
What came after the deal was even worse than the deal itself. On Sunday, Trump decided to protect his investment. He declared — all on his own — that Russia and Ukraine had agreed to an “energy cease-fire.” Ukraine had been conducting a remarkably successful series of strikes deep inside Russia aimed at Putin’s oil industry. The attacks have been so effective that they’ve raised doubts as to whether Russia would even be able to deliver the agreed upon amount of fuel to the U.S.
Trump’s cease-fire announcement came as a surprise to both nations. He wasn’t announcing an agreement; he was trying to coerce compliance — including, according to President Volodymyr Zelensky of Ukraine, by also threatening to cut off intelligence sharing.
Consider that for a moment. Trump wasn’t announcing a deal at all. There was no deal. He made it up and then demanded that both nations do what he said.
How did the two nations respond? Ukraine complied with Trump’s demands. It paused its successful energy strike campaign. . . . . Russia had different ideas. On Monday night, Russian munitions slammed into six Ukrainian energy sites, plunging parts of the city of Izyum into darkness. And then on Tuesday night, Russia struck Ukrainian energy sites once again, this time deluging Kyiv with missiles and hitting Kyiv’s Combined Heat and Power Plant 4, one of Kyiv’s “key energy facilities,” according to Zelensky.
Most ominously, on Monday and Tuesday night, ballistic missiles slammed into Kyiv, with no meaningful warning at all. Zelensky said that Ukraine had not received the usual warnings that it gets from its partners, most notably the United States. . . . . And then, to make matters worse, news emerged on Wednesday that the Pentagon-funded version of Starlink, called Starshield, was being throttled for Ukrainian forces. It was dropping connectivity for objects moving at speed, crippling its use by many Ukrainian drones.
If we want to understand what is really going on, we can’t look at these events in isolation. They’re occurring just as Russia has escalated its so-called gray zone attacks on our NATO allies. Gray zone attacks are acts that are just below the threshold for open war. The aim is to frighten and destabilize allies (and alliances) without triggering a direct conflict with NATO that Russia would almost certainly lose.
In July the Council on Foreign Relations issued a report chronicling a staggering array of Russian gray zone attacks. For example, the International Center for Counterterrorism and Globsec has documented “151 confirmed Russian-directed industrial sabotage incidents in Europe between February 2022 and February 2026.”
In addition, “Russian-linked drones have forced repeated airport closures across Europe and even penetrated Estonian and Polish airspace in September 2025.” Russia has also used a Baltic Sea shadow fleet to damage “Nord Stream pipelines, the Estlink 2 power cable and at least 11 undersea telecom cables.”
How do all these events fit together? First, we have to understand Russia’s evolving theories of victory in its war against Ukraine. Russia began with a failed blitzkrieg — an attempt to take Kyiv in a matter of days, if not hours. The initial attack resulted in a stunning Russian defeat. It suffered catastrophic losses on the outskirts of Kyiv, and a Ukrainian counteroffensive later in 2022 clawed back much of the territory that Ukraine lost in the opening days and months of the war.
Then Russia changed tactics. It tried to turn the battlefield into a kind of meat grinder — a war of attrition designed to slowly but surely destroy the Ukrainian Army and capture the entirety of the Donbas region of Ukraine. . . . .Then something surprising happened: The Ukrainians revolutionized warfare with their drone operations, and Ukraine started grinding down Russian forces, to the point that Russia is now losing more soldiers than it can easily replace, and — as the Institute for the Study of War reported on Tuesday — “Ukraine has retaken significant territory from Russia in 2026, and at the theater level has nearly zeroed out Russian gains for the year.”
In fact, according to the institute, “Russian forces have only made a net gain of about 100 square kilometers thus far in 2026, thanks to Ukrainian counteroffensives, which have liberated at least 1,046 square kilometers.” . . . “Ukraine is taking away its fuel,” Petraeus said. Russia is “one of the world’s largest oil producers,” and yet “increasingly, that doesn’t mean that Russians can find gasoline.”
In addition, Ukraine’s strike campaign has been so effective that it has sunk roughly 300 Russian vessels in the Black Sea and surrounding areas, and it has isolated Crimea so effectively that “they’re essentially starving Crimea of fuel, refined fuel products and other important commodities,” Petraeus said.
But Ukraine still needs Western support. American interceptor shortages have left Ukraine vulnerable to Russian ballistic missile attacks, and the country still depends on European aid, on American intelligence and on American weapons it’s able to purchase with European funds.
Remove that support, and Russia has a chance to win the war. It may well be Putin’s last hope, short of total national mobilization, to defeat Ukraine.
So now you see the game and the part that Trump is playing. Everything he’s doing now is exactly what Putin wants. Putin has brilliantly manipulated Trump using a meaningless injection of diesel fuel into the American market (designed to play well in the midterms) to portray himself as Trump’s friend and to drive an even bigger wedge between Trump and Zelensky.
But that’s not all. As my colleagues in the newsroom reported this month, Trump’s negotiations to end the war also include lucrative oil deals that “would benefit Middle Eastern business executives with ties to the two main U.S. negotiators, Steve Witkoff and Jared Kushner.”
And there’s something else in play. Trump has long held a grudge against Ukraine and Zelensky — for the dumbest reason imaginable.
It’s easy to forget the 2019 Trump-Ukraine scandal that led to Trump’s first impeachment. There have been so many scandals since that it hovers at the edge of our memories and can feel small compared with, say, Jan. 6. But it wasn’t. It was a big deal then, and it’s a big deal now.
As a result, when Putin appeals to Trump, he can not only dangle lucrative business deals in front of Trump’s team but also exploit existing animosity that is rooted in the fever dreams of Trump’s bizarre imagination. Zelensky is an enemy; Putin is a potential friend.
And what of the gray zone attacks against Europe? As Petraeus told me, “These are probes. They are intended to intimidate, disrupt, test individual countries and the alliance collectively.”
The purpose, according to Petraeus, is to “complicate the flow of assistance to Ukraine and even discourage it and create public anxiety, test to see where the alliance’s real red lines are. Perhaps drive a wedge between some of the countries that are a bit soft on Russia, if you will.”
In Trump’s second term, the United States is far worse than unreliable. It’s becoming unhinged. It threatens its allies and begins trade wars with its closest friends, and now the combination of corruption and conspiracy drives an American president into the arms of one of our most dangerous enemies.
This is not America first; it’s Trump first. If Putin prevails, rest assured that it will not be Ukrainians alone who pay the price.
The Felon is betraying all of us.
Friday, October 16, 2026
Democrats Are Coming For Trump While He Hurls Insults
Only one subject truly animates Donald Trump on the campaign trail, and it is, of course, the same one that delights and fascinates him in the Oval Office and everywhere else: himself. “No President has ever achieved what we’ve achieved,” he told the audience at a campaign rally over the weekend, at a high school in Vandalia, Ohio.
“We achieved more in two years than any other Presidency in the history of our country,” he said on Wednesday, in San Antonio, Texas, where a Democrat—running against Trump’s hand-picked candidate—now stands an even chance of winning a Senate seat in the state for the first time since 1988.
No wonder, then, that Trump’s diagnosis of his party’s plight in advance of the midterm elections flows back to this one key insight of his, which is that politics is, and should be, solely about him. Hence his refrain at these rallies. “Please pretend that I’m on the ballot,” he told the crowd at the high school in Ohio, where Democrats are threatening to retake both the governorship and a U.S. Senate seat just two years after Trump won the state by double digits.
By my reckoning, Trump spent some seven hours and fifty-six minutes addressing the (dwindling) Trump faithful in his campaign tour this week, a last-ditch effort to stave off what an increasing number of both Democrats and Republicans believe may be a loss of both the House and the Senate. The President’s itinerary speaks to the abrupt reversal of fortunes for the G.O.P. this election year, with Trump stumping in what should be safely red territory: Texas, Oklahoma, Alabama, Ohio, Nebraska, and back to Texas. . . . In Texas, where he will soon return for a third visit, nearly all recent polls have the Democratic nominee for Senate, James Talarico, leading the Republican state attorney general, Ken Paxton, several of them with more than fifty per cent support—a key threshold.
Historically unpopular and trapped in a war of his own choosing in the Middle East, which has sent global prices spiking upward for just about everything, the President has nonetheless been going with a standard stump speech that is a litany of all the winning that’s taken place during his reign—so much of it that, really, he told the crowd in Ohio, one could be forgiven for thinking that perhaps, under Trump, America was actually “winning too much.” On and on he lectured his audiences about the great stock market, the terrific tariffs, and the most closed-shut border in history. He waxed poetic about his incredible poll numbers . . .
All this, and yet two-thirds of the country thinks the U.S. is on the wrong track?
Denial, of course, has long been one of Trump’s signatures as a politician. But in this of all years it seems a bit of a surprising choice for a campaign theme. “We have almost no inflation, by the way,” he said in Ohio. As for affordability, he explained in Nebraska, it was a plot that “they” had cooked up to attack him with.
In all of the rallies, Trump said little about the self-inflicted crisis that has become the dominant issue in the 2026 campaign: the war against Iran and the attendant global economic squeeze. To the extent that he mentioned the conflict at all, it was to promise that it would be over “very soon,”
But there was a note of un-Trumpian insecurity to it all that made this performance unlike any of the many previous Trump campaign tours I’ve watched during the past decade. In Alabama, he said the quiet part out loud and admitted that the conflict was not likely to end until “probably right after the midterms.”
One thing that struck me, listening to Trump at each of his six stops, was how little joy the President seemed to take from the exercise. Back in the 2018 campaign, his eyes still lit up with hatred for the enemies of the people, and he exuded delight to be joined onstage by some of the Fox News personalities whose shows consumed so much of his White House workday. Rallies were always his happy place. . . . But this 2026 Trump is not nearly so much of a happy warrior. His present mood seemed better exemplified by a threat that he casually threw out on Saturday night, in the midst of his Ohio speech, apropos of what I was not entirely sure: “We’re going to shove it up their ass,” he vowed. “O.K.?”
As a speaker, Trump remains at his best, or at least at his most animated, when on the attack, and there’s nothing more practiced in the Trump lexicon than the language of dark horror with which he describes conditions in the hellscape that is blue America. He is forever reliving the glory of that “American carnage” Inaugural address. . . . “When the blues get in, everything becomes dirty. The streets are dirty. The doorknobs going into stores are dirty. The sidewalks are filthy, dirty. Everything becomes dirty and has a bad smell.” Huh? That’s a new one, as far as I can tell, even for Trump.
And it’s not just those blue-state cesspools that Trump likes to rail against. Democrats, in his speeches, are “cheaters, they cheat like hell,” as he put it in Oklahoma, a rabble of Communists and child mutilators and illegal-immigrant lovers who are going to ruin everything that he and his base have done.
But, in almost all of his speeches, Trump reserved special ire for Talarico, or, as he referred to him in San Antonio, “Dumocrat Communist James Talafreako.” Perhaps Trump feels on the hook for the Texas Senate race, which most likely would have been easily won by the Republican incumbent, John Cornyn, had Trump not insisted on backing the scandal-plagued Paxton in the G.O.P. primary runoff. Whatever the reason, he seems to have saved up extra bile for Talarico, demeaning him as a “weak, gutless, self-hating, transgender-promoting freak show” who threatens to “destroy everything that we’ve built.”
I did not learn from Trump all that much about what nature of threat to the Republic Talarico poses, though I found it notable that, at several rallies, the President took off on rants about Talarico’s alleged veganism, accusing him of eating meat only in order to suck up to the meat-loving Texas electorate and thus causing himself to be “throwing up all over the place.”
In 2018, the President closed with what seemed, at the time, a pretty crazy message: Vote for me and my party, because we’re the only ones who can stop the invasion of a caravan of brown people currently making their way toward our southern border. It was untrue, of course, yet also something of a model of clarity compared with this year’s parting thoughts from our President: Vote for me because high prices due to my policies don’t matter and also because, if you don’t, the Dumocrats will turn your kids into Communists and force them to have gender-reassignment surgery, unless they happen to live in Los Angeles, in which case the Iranians will nuke them. Got that? Twenty-six days to go.
Thursday, October 15, 2026
Trump's and the GOP's Big Lie About the Economy
Donald Trump lies. Telling untruths is not merely second nature to him; it is of the first order, automatic. He lies as naturally as he breathes. From his claim to being a great businessman and dealmaker to calling himself not the worst president in U.S. history — which he is, by far — but the best, Trump has spewed a firehose of falsehoods to the public. But he has never reserved his lying only for his political opponents.
He has lied to his MAGA followers about, well, everything — bringing grocery prices down, ending this or that war “on day one,” the value of his cryptocurrency offerings, creating any number of “unbelievable” plans to fix our infrastructure, our healthcare, our economy. All those “beautiful” plans that were never plans but so-called concepts of plans. You know, back-of-the-envelope musings on critical national issues while heading off for another taxpayer-funded golf outing. Suffice it to say: If you can name it, Trump has lied about it.
Journalists often write of Trump’s Big Lie about how the 2020 election was stolen from him, but that is only one of the big lies Republicans tell, and it is not the one that most adversely affects working Americans.
The biggest lie is the one Republicans have told for more than half a century — about how they are better than Democrats at managing the economy. A majority of Americans have believed this for my whole lifetime. But with Trump’s wild mismanagement of the economy, public sentiment is finally changing. More people now trust Democrats on the economy, and for good reason.
The idea of telling a lie so massive that not many people would think that it could be made out of whole cloth comes from Adolf Hitler’s 1925 book “Mein Kampf.” The failed artist and future German führer thought that most people would not believe that someone “could have the impudence to distort the truth so infamously.” This theory was later put to use by Joseph Goebbels, the Third Reich’s propaganda minister, to scapegoat and dehumanize Jewish people, and it led directly to the Holocaust — a horrible truth many Nazi-curious conservatives love to deny.
Trump, a fanboy of ruthless dictators, was determined to stay in office after losing the 2020 election decisively in both the Electoral College and the popular vote to Joe Biden, and he naturally turned to Hitler’s technique.
The Republican’s lie on the economy is such a whopper — so “colossal,” as Hitler put it — that it has defined American politics for decades. That’s the ruse of the colossal lie, which is not merely the propagandist’s use of repetition (Trump’s main go-to move) but a sort of verbal legerdemain. People are cunningly led to disbelieve what they see with their own eyes and feel in their own pocketbooks.
As we head into the November midterms, and as candidates begin to emerge in the 2028 presidential race, it’s a good time to refresh our memories of how costly the GOP’s colossal lie about trickle-down economics, which began with President Ronald Reagan, has been for Americans.
Running for the presidency, the former Republican California governor and B-list actor said that giving tax breaks to the wealthy and corporations would “trickle down” benefits to the working people of America. This sounded good in theory, but it was “voodoo economics” in practice, as George H. W. Bush, Reagan’s opponent in the 1980 Republican primaries, noted — until he was chosen as the Californian’s running mate).
In his two terms, Reagan’s tax cuts increased the national debt from $1.1 trillion to $2.7 trillion. But that’s nothing compared to Trump. While occupying the White House, the president has increased the national debt by a staggering $11.6 trillion so far, an increase of more than 25%.
Democratic presidents have almost always done better — I should say much better — than Republican presidents in managing the U.S. economy. According to a 2016 academic study by Alan S. Blinder and Mark W. Watson, this was true from the Truman administration through the first Obama term across all major macroeconomic measures: job creation, unemployment, national debt, GDP growth, growth in real wages and controlling inflation.
As Blinder and Watson concluded: [T]here is a systematic and large gap between the U.S. economy’s performance when a Democrat is president of the United States versus when a Republican is. Democrats do better on almost every criterion.
We can tack on Biden’s term as well, which, amid the global inflation spikes caused by the COVID-19 pandemic shutting down supply chains, recovered far better than any other advanced country. As The Economist put it at the time, the quickly recovering economy under Biden was “the envy of the world.” People may not have felt “the vibe,” but things were on the right track by all standard economic measures.
In addition, in 2021, the Biden administration’s $1.2 trillion Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act was passed with bipartisan support to rebuild or upgrade the nation’s aging transportation, water and broadband systems. The following year, the $280 billion CHIPS and Science Act was enacted and called for microchip manufacturing to be started up in rural areas, mostly Republican-voting districts. Unlike Trump, Biden understood that the president is charged with working on behalf of all Americans, not just those who voted for him.
Since the Republican President Dwight Eisenhower, about 70% of all jobs have been created during Democratic administrations, and in recent decades, the percentage is more than 90%. Of the 11 recessions the country suffered between 1953 and 2020 — when the pandemic began — 10 began while a Republican was in the White House.
What Blinder and Watson studied was independently updated in 2024 with similar findings of a “striking” positive difference on the U.S. economy when a Democrat is in the White House. One doesn’t need academics or economics experts to tell that Republicans never look out for the interests of the working class, or even the middle class. But for those who still like evidence, a series of charts by Steven Rattner and graphic artist Taylor Maggiacomo tell the story of Trump’s promises on the economy and his results so far.
What these charts cannot show is the long-term economic disaster of lost markets for farmers and U.S. manufacturers caused by Trump’s tariffs and his disparagement of our trading partners, or what it will mean to our economy as countries move to de-Americanize their tech — which they must do to protect themselves from Trump.
Democrats are not only better stewards of the economy, but they also want the wealth created by American workers to be shared more equitably and for the social safety net to be made more robust, so Americans can better weather any financial vicissitudes.
Do I need to point out that Republicans have little to no desire to help workers and those in need, outside of, say, charitable contributions or church work? Indeed, rather than looking out for the poor or loving the stranger — and growing increasingly annoyed by those darned Biblical verses about a camel passing through the eye of a needle — the wealthy and powerful long ago undertook to remake American Christianity.
As Salon’s Amanda Marcotte recently noted, the right’s perversion of the message of Jesus knows no bounds; to justify their greed and avarice, they are taught that it is inconceivable to be Christian and vote other than Republican, which is yet another colossal lie by the GOP.
Public sentiment about which party does best in managing the economy has finally shifted to Democrats in the face of Trump’s gross mismanagement of the recovering Biden economy. Trump’s tax cuts, tariffs, attacks on education and journalists, his disparagement of historical allies and his war of choice with Iran have undermined nearly every aspect of what has made the United States prosperous.
But it is up to journalists to regularly tell this truth to the public in the face of the colossal Republican lie about the economy that began with Reagan, a man who had the sheer audacity to claim that the budget deficit was affected by restaurant servers not declaring their tips.
Today’s Republicans are even more Dickensian, focused as they are on deporting hard-working immigrants who long to be American citizens and taking healthcare and even food stamps away from struggling American families.
Why are Republicans terrible with the economy? Because they do not believe in government — unless it helps them.
Wednesday, October 14, 2026
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