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| Heritage Foundation homophobe |
If one wants serious writing and journalism, don't expect to find it from some of the favored anti-gay authors of the far right who pontificate as if they were experts - most have zero actual credentials - yet rarely do anything more than regurgitate the same tired arguments and go through numerous contortions trying to hide the reality that their anti-gay animus ultimately traces back to religion and religious based bigotry. Such seemingly is the case with Heritage Foundation hack Ryan T. Anderson whose new book, Truth Overruled: The Future of Marriage and Religious Freedom is being slammed by critics and readers. Nonetheless, Anderson will walk away with money from the members of the shrinking anti-gay right who by the book and then use the book to boost his supposed credentials. Think Progress looks at the panning of Anderson and his book. Here are highlights:
“Absolutely nothing new here.”
“Ryan T. Anderson’s Checklist of Failed Arguments”
“Nothing new. Not challenging. Not entertaining. Not enlightening.”
“Pointless debate of a settled issue”
“A Tired read full of dog whistles to Anti-Gay bigotry”
“read it if you already agree with the author and just want to read something supporting your view.”
These are all negative reviews of Ryan T. Anderson’s new book, Truth Overruled: The Future of Marriage and Religious Freedom,
as found on Amazon. Anderson, a senior research fellow at the Heritage
Foundation, has become one of the leading voices in the movement to
oppose marriage equality and LGBT rights generally, and he marketed this
new book to address what comes after Obergefell, the Supreme Court’s ruling bringing marriage equality to the country.
Heritage has been concerned
about all the negative reviews the book has received from what it
dismissed as dishonest “activists and ideologues,” but the reality is
that the reviews are right: the book has nothing new to offer, nor is it
particularly convincing.
[W]hat is interesting about Truth Overruled is what happens
when all of those arguments are juxtaposed so closely. The clear
contradictions between them become so much more apparent that in many
ways, they debunk themselves. They also reveal the systemic rejection of
gay, lesbian, and bi people that persists — however sugarcoated — among
social conservatives.
Rather than being an effective manifesto of all the arguments against
recognizing same-sex relationships as marriages, it serves as a guide
for just how weak this already-lost case is, and why continued fights —
including the ongoing struggle over using “religious liberty” to justify
anti-gay discrimination — will likely not prevail either.
Anderson constructs an artificial concept of what marriage is. Instead
of the familiar religious and civil definitions of marriage, he develops
his own hypothetical ideal of “marriage,” an abstract, philosophical
notion that supposedly borrows from both the civil and religious
definitions. Under the pretense of “natural law,” Anderson assumes that
the traits he lays out in his ideal will be so common-sense as to be
irrefutable. He makes a point of claiming he is not relying solely on
religious tenets, but he simultaneously ignores much of how marriage is
actually practiced in culture and the many different ways it is
important to people and the government that recognizes it. He
conveniently selects concepts that serve his purpose of rejecting
same-sex marriage without explicitly sounding anti-gay, but in doing so
presents a vision of marriage unrecognizable to just about anybody, and
the anti-gay dog whistles prevalent throughout demonstrate just how
conservatives constructed it.
Wolfson explained, “with the ruling in the Lawrence v. Texas
case, that moral objection or moral disapproval of gay people because
of who they are is not a basis for making laws to disadvantage people.”
States could no longer say of gay people, “they’re icky,” “they’re
scary,” “we don’t like them,” or “we don’t approve of them.”
Instead, “They actually had to come up with a neutral-sounding rationale for why states were denying marriage. . . . . The contrast was evident in the 2013 Windsor case, when opponents of marriage equality were forced to reconcile the “moral disapproval of homosexuality” lawmakers cited as their reasoning for passing the Defense of Marriage Act (DOMA) in 1996.
Anderson relies on slippery slope warnings about polyamory, “monogamish”
and open relationships, and short-termed “wedlease” marriages to show
the deterioration of his marriage ideal. Of course, none of those are
uniquely relevant to the issue of same-sex marriage. They may indeed be
growing in popularity, and there may even be legal questions to consider
in the future concerning these other kinds of relationships, but they
are entirely different issues not informed by sexual orientation.
He fails to mention that Dutch researchers have clarified,
“Neither the legalization of same-sex marriage nor the introduction of
registered partnership have had significant negative effects on the
Dutch different-sex marriage rate in the aggregate.” He makes the same
claim about marriage rates dipping in early marriage equality states
like Iowa, Massachusetts, Vermont, and New Hampshire, but leaves out the
part about how those states’ marriage rates were declining at virtually the exact same rates before marriage equality arrived as after. Marriage equality actually had no effect.
[C]onservatives have had to find a way to talk about the issue of
same-sex marriage without saying much about homosexuality. Try as he
might not to, Anderson reveals several assumptions he holds about the
inferiority of same-sex relationships — assumptions that might not be
apparent at first glance but that are essential to his case against
marriage equality.
Inherent in his definition of marriage is a concept Anderson refers
to at times as the “comprehensive act,” his euphemism for when a man
inserts his penis into a woman’s vagina and releases sperm to fertilize
her egg. . . . This suggests Anderson knows very little about sex, why anybody has it,
how anybody has it, or just how deep, intimate, and meaningful it can be
for any couple regardless of their chance of fertilizing an egg and
regardless of their gender pairing.
Anderson is not particularly effective at hiding his irrational animus
either. He dedicates a whole chapter to “why sexual orientation is not
like race.” Taking existing racial and religious discrimination
protections for granted, he decries adding sexual orientation and gender
identity protections — what he calls “special privileges” — because he
believes they will undermine the freedoms of speech and religion for
those who oppose LGBT equality. He essentially believes that religious
people, which apparently only includes conservatives who share his
position and none of the people motivated by faith to support LGBT
rights, should have a hecklers’ veto that overrides LGBT people’s basic
right to not be fired, evicted, or denied service for who they are. He’s
pointing that “special privileges” accusation in the wrong direction. . . . .
Apparently, falling in love with someone and wanting to commit to that
person for life and build a family with them is a “selfish desire” — if
you’re gay. . . Gays and lesbians should instead be content with “deep friendships,” which he calls “liberating.” . . . chastity is the only option he offers to people with same-sex orientations.
Anderson is insistent that discrimination against LGBT people be allowed to continue. Just this week he railed against the new Equality Act, a comprehensive LGBT nondiscrimination bill
just introduced in Congress. These protections “threaten the freedom of
citizens, individually and in associations, to affirm their religious
or moral convictions — convictions such as that marriage is the union of
one man and one woman.”
There's more, but as I said, in the end ALL of Anderson's attacks on equality and non-discrimination trace back to his religious belief that same sex love is a "sin" and his inability to admit that the Catholic Church is wrong on the issue - just as throughout history it has been wrong on many, many issues. The only thing in Anderson's defense I can say is that, having been raised Catholic, I know too well how badly it f*cks up one's mind. But a time comes when we all need to grow up and accept logic, reason and modern knowledge over the Church's 13th century "natural law." Anderson unfortunately refuses to grow up due I can only assume to his own psychological/sexual hang ups.