As some long time readers may recall, my mother's father launched his successful medical career by signing on as a surgeon and later a hospital administrator for United Fruit Company's Medical Department at the end of World War I as a way to get out of the army more quickly after spending America's years in that war stationed at what is now the VA Hospital in Hampton, Virginia. My grandmother, a non-conforming New Orleans belle likewise signed on as a nurse for United Fruit Company's Medical Department after serving in Europe in the Army Nursing Corps. My grand parents are shown in the image above. While the Medical Department did many positive things in Central America - clearing swamps, fighting malaria and yellow fever, and treating patients for free - United Fruit Company had as a whole had a very ugly track record often siding with dictators or even aiding in the overthrow of non-accommodating governments. Now, Chiquita, the descendant entity of United Fruit Company, seems to be repeating some of the ugly days of the 1920's through 1950's by opposing a 9/11 victims bill.
The Daily Beast looks at the situation. Here are highlights:
Washington makes for strange alliances—and even stranger enemies. But
this could wind up being the oddest confrontation of all. Chiquita, the
world’s largest banana producer, is spending hundreds of thousands of
dollars to block a 9/11 victims’ bill, The Daily Beast has learned. And
outraged supporters of the legislation accuse a senior lawmaker, Rep.
Bob Goodlatte (R-VA0, of working with the fruit kings to stand in their way.
According to Congressional lobbying disclosures, Chiquita has spent
some $780,000 over the past year and a half lobbying against the Justice
Against Sponsors of Terrorism Act (JASTA), a bill conceived of and
supported by a group of 9/11 victims and families to aid their claims
against actors who supported the terrorist attacks.
The result is a stalled piece of terrorism legislation that shows the
dizzying influence of a deeply pocketed corporation, and how its
tremendous power is prevailing over the interests of the most
sympathetic of little guys: 9/11 victims. And it illustrates how the
influence of major fruit companies—such a core component of 20th-century
American policy that they gave rise to the phrase “Banana
Republics”—endures today.
“The path to justice for me and the other 9/11 family members and
survivors is being blocked by a banana company. I think Chiquita should
mind their own bananas and let justice be served,” said Terry Strada,
whose husband was killed in the terrorist attacks.
The major fruit supplier is not in any way connected with 9/11, but
in 2007 it pleaded guilty to making over 100 payments to the United
Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (AUC), a right-wing paramilitary group
designated by the United States as a terrorist organization.
Chiquita, which had operated in Colombia for over 100 years, began
making payments to the terrorist organization after a 1997 meeting
between an AUC leader and a senior executive of its Colombian
subsidiary. Nearly every month,
additional payments followed.
The fruit company has maintained that it only made payments due to
extortionary threats of violence, and reacted to protect the lives of
its workers.
Through a deal in which Chiquita was represented by now-Attorney
General Eric Holder, the fruit company agreed to pay a $25 million fine.
Chiquita acknowledged that between 1997 and 2004, it made over $1.7
million in payments in cash and checks to the terrorist group.
Having acknowledged payments to terrorists—though they claim to be
extorted—Chiquita’s interests conflict with those of 9/11 victims’
families.
JASTA would clarify the Anti-Terrorism Act by expanding liability against those that had funded terrorists.
“It
would also make it clear that victims of terrorist attacks both outside
and inside the U.S. could seek damages against perpetrators,” explained
Matt House, a spokesman for Sen. Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., the primary
sponsor for the bill in the Senate.
By expanding the liability of
groups that have aided and abetted terrorism, the bill incidentally
became relevant to Chiquita, with its history of paying off the
terrorists of the AUC.
Chiquita certainly appeared to respond as
if JASTA were a threat. In the months after the bill was reintroduced in
the House and Senate, the fourth quarter of 2013, Chiquita spent
$450,000 hiring lobbyists from Covington and Burling, a high-powered
white shoe law firm.
According to a Congressional source with direct knowledge of the
lobbying, the fruit conglomerate approached lawmakers with Chiquita
facilities in their districts—as well Congress members with influence
over their senior colleagues like Rep. Peter King, R-N.Y., the primary
sponsor of JASTA in the House.
The lobbyists appeared to find an ear in the office of senior
lawmaker Rep. Bob Goodlatte. Goodlatte chairs the House Judiciary
Committee, where JASTA now sits languishing.
There's more, but it looks like Chiquita reprized some of the bad old days of United Fruit Company and now wants to avoid the consequences. It's little surprise that Bob Goodlatte, a Republican seems more that willing to act in exchange for Chiquita's money.
