Donald Trump Is the War Crimes President
The barbarism of the Nazi regime in the 1930's and during WWII did no come to pass overnight. There were numerous steps along the way that involved dehumanizing a targeted scapegoat population - e.g., Jews, Gypsies, homosexuals, "communists, and others. Long before the orchestrated extermination of 6 million European Jews commenced in earnest, torture became normalized and callous brutality became accepted. Along the way, the Geneva Conventions were ignored by Hitler and his brutal regime. Here in America, the slide towards moral bankruptcy began under the Bush/Cheney regime - probably at Cheney's instigation - and America began ignoring the Geneva Conventions and making illegal torture a part of America's policies. Obama reversed the torture policy, but failed to hold those guilty under the previous Bush/Cheney regime accountable. Now, under Trump, America is careening toward complete moral bankruptcy. It is now American policy to place refugee children in cages and torture and war criminals are lauded by the occupant of the White House. In a long piece, Andrew Sullivan looks at America's moral decline. The only way to reverse this is by voting Trump out of office in November, 2020, since it appears clear Senate Republicans will ignore their oaths of office and will put party over country and morality. Here are article excerpts:
I saw the gripping New York Times documentary
on Hulu this past week about the case of Navy SEAL Commander Eddie Gallagher, a
rogue soldier who routinely shot civilians in Iraq for the hell of it, and
finally stabbed to death a barely conscious captive young ISIS fighter who was
the lone survivor of a missile hit on an enemy house. The documentary has video
of the testimonies of his fellow SEALs, all of whom were in obvious anguish and
pain as they told the truth to investigators. It also shows a photograph of
Gallagher holding up the murdered kid’s head like a trophy in a wild-game hunt.
The image is difficult to put out of your mind.
This kind of dehumanizing barbarism started, of course, with
a euphemism. “Enhanced interrogation techniques,” we were assured, were nothing
like torture. They were just a very intense form of questioning. “I want to be
absolutely clear with our people and the world: The United States does not
torture,” president George W. Bush insisted with a straight and serious face.
And then we discovered that these “enhanced techniques”
were actually extremely similar to the verschärfte
Vernehmung (intense interrogation methods) that the Gestapo once used.
. . . . Nor did we have to imagine these horrors: Many of these techniques were
ubiquitous at Abu Ghraib prison and photographed. The administration insisted
that all of this was invented by a few rogue grunts on the ground, even though
we now know that what we saw was the very low end of the abuse of prisoners
that George W. Bush and Dick Cheney directly authorized.
The official black sites were dystopian torture chambers. When the
torture started, many U.S. personnel, at first, couldn’t watch. Seeing human
beings treated by Americans the way they had been treated by the Nazis sickened
them. Cables were sent, and ignored. Tapes of the grotesque torture sessions
were destroyed.
In short, the United States abandoned the Geneva Conventions it had
once been instrumental in creating. And this continued under the Obama
administration. Yes, the torture program, mercifully, was ended by executive
order on Obama’s second day. But Geneva also requires member states to
investigate all claims of war crimes and prosecute the perpetrators. The new
president, leery of the divisive and emotional issue as he began his term in an
economic crisis, decided to ignore them. In fact, for eight years, no one was
even fired or demoted for war crimes, let alone prosecuted, and some were even
promoted within the CIA. The message was clear: Americans who torture are
essentially immune from prosecution. Torture thereby became normalized.
So it was not surprising that in 2016, a presidential
candidate emerged who openly espoused torture as something he would bring back
if he were elected. . . . . And it was unsurprising that this position won
support from Republican primary voters, as if it were just one of many policy
proposals, and not an unthinkable violation of domestic and international law.
Only Jim Mattis was able to restrain
the commander-in-chief from restoring the torture program, even if it is clear
that Trump
still regards war crimes as a sign of strength. But signs were sent to the
military and the world that this president admired the tactics of dictators and
found democracies pathetic in comparison.
This is how liberal democracies disintegrate. A violation of core
moral norms happens in one specific, exceptional case, such as after 9/11. Some
even find reasons to justify it as an emergency measure (something Geneva rules
out as a legal excuse). But torture then entrenches itself into the government
apparatus and bureaucracy. There’s a record. There are government employees
involved and doctors and psychologists. And any president has a choice.
Trump took the new normal and boosted it. “Torture
works!” he declared. In the 2016 campaign, he was asked what he’d do if a
military officer refused to obey an illegal order from him, and he responded:
“They won’t refuse. They’re not going to refuse, believe me.”
After a group
of six Navy SEALs decided, in great anguish, to report their murderous
platoon chief for war crimes, and Gallagher was arrested and arraigned,
Gallagher’s brother, Sean, went on Fox & Friends and appealed
to Trump to step in. Trump first said he might pardon him after the trial.
Gallagher was acquitted, except for the charge of arranging the
photograph of what he called a “deer kill,” holding the dead kid’s head up as a
trophy. When the Navy, in a final weak attempt to punish him, tried to take
Gallagher’s SEAL pin away from him, Trump personally intervened and insisted
this war criminal would keep his pin, and that he was one of the “great
fighters” in the U.S. military. Fox News celebrated . . .
A president who believes a war criminal is among the finest fighters
the U.S. has and suggests he will pardon him after his trial is, quite simply,
unique in the history of the U.S. So too is a president who threatens another
country with the destruction of its cultural sites in revenge for any response
to the assassination of one of its military and political leaders. In mere
decades, we went from the architect and guardian of the Geneva Conventions to
their nemesis.
The world once knew that the U.S. government would do its best always
to follow those laws. There are likely to be war crimes in any real-world
conflict, and the U.S. has committed its share of them. But George W. Bush was
the first president to directly authorize something that George Washington had
ruled out of bounds in the Revolutionary War. Washington’s words ring ever more
tragically in the age of Trump: “Should any American soldier be so base and
infamous as to injure any prisoner … I do most earnestly enjoin you to bring
him to such severe and exemplary punishment as the enormity of the crime may
require. Should it extend to death itself, it will not be disproportional to
its guilt at such a time and in such a cause … for by such conduct they bring
shame, disgrace and ruin to themselves and their country.”
Military honor and the laws of war are the mark of
civilization, and something that takes centuries to build and one feckless
decision to destroy. For an American president actually to celebrate such
crimes, and even personally threaten to commit them, was unimaginable before
now, before the shame and disgrace of Trump.
There were a few hours this past week when we were shaken out of the
denial that comes with exhaustion. There we were, risking a real outbreak of
war, and all we had was him. And this was not an exception in this presidency —
just the most extreme example we have yet had of our collective helplessness in
the face of one man’s fecklessness.
The administration has been incapable of providing any evidence for
the “imminent” attack they used to justify the assassination of General Qasem
Soleimani. It appears to me to have been invented. Regardless, there was time
to consult allies, and to seek authorization from Congress for what was plainly
an act of war.
But, of course, that didn’t happen. . . . The word for this
is tyranny, as
I noted three and a half years ago. Not tyranny in the sense that we do not
still live in a free country, but tyranny in the classic sense: one-man,
strongman rule.
In Plato’s words, when describing how a strongman’s rule unfolds:
“Some of those who helped in setting him up and are in power — the manliest
among them — speak frankly to him and to one another, criticizing what is
happening … Then the tyrant must gradually do away with all of them, if he’s
going to rule.”
And he [Trump] has pretty much done away with all of them. We’re
left with a new and weak defense secretary, Mark Esper, constantly contradicted
by his boss; Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, a toady obsessed with Iran; and a
war criminal as CIA director, Gina Haspel, who owes her job entirely to a
torture-loving president. With this supine clique, Trump ordered the
assassination of the top military leader of a country with which we are not at
war. Congress was sidelined almost entirely; allies were blindsided. This was
not a sane process of deliberation about potentially starting yet another war
in the Middle East, considering its consequences, and calibrating a strategy.
It was a strongman’s impulse.
Be very, very afraid.
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