Democrats and liberal pundits are already trying to figure out how the Trump campaign not only bested Kamala Harris in the “Blue Wall” states of the Midwest and the Rust Belt, but gained on her even in areas that should have been safe for a Democrat. . . . . the old saw about “economic anxiety” is making a comeback.
These explanations all have some merit, but mostly, they miss the point. Yes, some voters still stubbornly believe that presidents magically control the price of basic goods. Others have genuine concerns about immigration and gave in to Trump’s booming call of fascism and nativism. And some of them were just never going to vote for a woman, much less a Black woman.
But in the end, a majority of American voters chose Trump because they wanted what he was selling: a nonstop reality show of rage and resentment. . . . . Trump voters never cared about policies, and he rarely gave them any. . . . . His rallies involved long rants about the way he’s been treated, like a giant therapy session or a huge family gathering around a bellowing, impaired grandpa.
Back in 2021, I wrote a book about the rise of “illiberal populism,” the self-destructive tendency in some nations that leads people to participate in democratic institutions such as voting while being hostile to democracy itself, casting ballots primarily to punish other people and to curtail everyone’s rights—even their own. These movements are sometimes led by fantastically wealthy faux populists who hoodwink gullible voters by promising to solve a litany of problems that always seem to involve money, immigrants, and minorities.
And so it came to pass: Last night, a gaggle of millionaires and billionaires grinned and applauded for Trump. They were part of an alliance with the very people another Trump term would hurt—the young, minorities, and working families among them.
Trump, as he has shown repeatedly over the years, couldn’t care less about any of these groups. He ran for office to seize control of the apparatus of government and to evade judicial accountability for his previous actions as president. Once he is safe, he will embark on the other project he seems to truly care about: the destruction of the rule of law and any other impediments to enlarging his power.
Americans who wish to stop Trump in this assault on the American constitutional order, then, should get it out of their heads that this election could have been won if only a better candidate had made a better pitch . . . . Racial grievances, dissatisfaction with life’s travails (including substance addiction and lack of education), and resentment toward the villainous elites in faraway cities cannot be placated by housing policy or interest-rate cuts.
No candidate can reason about facts and policies with voters who have no real interest in such things. They like the promises of social revenge that flow from Trump, the tough-guy rhetoric, the simplistic “I will fix it” solutions. And he’s interesting to them, because he supports and encourages their conspiracist beliefs.
As Jonathan Last, editor of The Bulwark, put it in a social-media post last night: The election went the way it did “because America wanted Trump. That’s it. People reaching to construct [policy] alibis for the public because they don’t want to grapple with this are whistling past the graveyard.” . . . . Americans have done this to themselves during a time of peace, prosperity, and astonishingly high living standards. An affluent society that thinks it is living in a hellscape is ripe for gulling by dictators who are willing to play along with such delusions.
This time, Trump will rule with greater power but fewer excuses, and he—and his voters—will have to own the messes and outrages he is already planning to create.
Those voters expect that Trump will hurt others and not them. They will likely be unpleasantly surprised, much as they were in Trump’s first term. (He was, after all, voted out of office for a reason.) For the moment, some number of them have memory-holed that experience and are pretending that his vicious attacks on other Americans are just so much hot air.
Trump, unfortunately, means most of what he says. In this election, he has triggered the unfocused ire and unfounded grievances of millions of voters. Soon we will learn whether he can still trigger their decency—if there is any to be found.
Thoughts on Life, Love, Politics, Hypocrisy and Coming Out in Mid-Life
Friday, November 08, 2024
Trump Voters May Get More Than They Bargained For
As in the aftermath of the 2016 election, much of the media is subscribing to the red herring that economic concerns were what motivated many voters to vote for Donald Trump. Never mind that his economic policy proposals - tariffs on almost everything imported, more massive tax cuts for the super wealthy and corporations, and an open assault on the social safety net - will severely harm these same voters perhaps sooner than later once is regime takes office. I believe the reality is that Trump's promise to support white privilege, promise to grant evangelicals wide power to discriminate against other citizens, and to basically harm those so many of these voters hold in contempt was the true attraction. The amazing thing is that many blacks and Latinos voted for Trump even though a reading of Project 2025 clearly makes them a target of the white "Christian" nationalism Trump is promising. When consumer prices soar, the huge increase in the federal debt and slashing of Medicare, Medicaid and Social Security hit, many of the Trump voters may belatedly realize they made a huge mistake. They reveled in Trump's promise of cruelty towards others may quickly come home to roost on them. Candidly, I hope they suffer immensely. A piece in The Atlantic looks at this likely coming shock:
Sadly, I believe there is no decency to be revived in Trump voters. By their votes, they proved that have no morality and no decency.
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